When India became independent, its GDP was less than half of that of Britain's, at the market exchange rate. In 1991 India's economy was less than a quarter the size of Britain's. But as The Economist says, in 2019, at today's market exchange rates, India will 'indisputably' overtake Britain's economy and its glorious days are arriving three years sooner than Goldman Sachs had predicted it. India is not the first of the UK's colony to match the clout of its formner 'colonial ruler'. Brazil and America long ago surpassed Portugal and Britain's economy respectively. Mexico's economy surpassed that of Spain's in 1980s but could not maintain it. Indonesia surpassed the GDP of Netherlands in 2012.
India's growth has had its unique journey- same as its democracy, elections and leaders. When the British left India in 1947, there was no proper transition or handing over. Overnight two countries were born- India and Pakistan (east- now Bangladesh and west- now Pakistan). From a colony, India became the largest democracy with no experience whatsover. Neither the leaders knew how to cope nor they knew how to serve, but they had the foresight. Fast forward three years. Indian constitution was born in 1950 with the help of B R Ambedkar. Till 2019 it has had 103 amendments- and it suitably serves a population of 1.5bn people.
Britain's media has criticised the Indian government for several reasons. Financial Times has said that if the acurrent Prime Minister Narendra Modi comes back to power, he should shift away from populism. It has also said that Modi is wooing his voters through patriotic sentiments, while Muslims in India are afraid of marginilasiation. The Times has called Modi 'divisive'. The Sunday Times wrote how Modi promised Indians a corruption free country while the Indian National Congress has blamed the BJP government to let fugitives like Nirav Modi or Vijay Mallya slip away to the UK.
There is no point in bashing Indian leaders and its democratic system in British media- it is for Indians to decide who or what they want.
India's successful 'A-Sat’ launch into orbit marks its emergence as a space power with the US, Russia and China. The country’s military muscle grows a pace. India is facing the challenge of translating military and industrial power into effective policy – it is not easy, but necessary nevertheless. Calibrating regional relationships and making these fit for purpose in a wider strategic architecture surely is the desired Indian goal and being effective to a large extent.
The old global order has clearly outlived its allotted time-span. It is time to close the chapter of the white man’s burden in all corners of the world. Carrying the big stick and talking softly about shared democratic values and human rights, with contrary evidence on the ground is no basis for concord and true dialogue between nations great and small.
A long way to go for 'new' Pakistan
During last year's election campaign, prime minister Imran Khan promised a 'new' Pakistan. He wants to start with madrasa education, where most of the students are being taught to read Koran with very few modern subjects. There are more than 30,000 madrasas, with perhaps 2.5 million students. Many of the students spent long periods to the religious charities that run such schools. They graduate with strong opinions on religion, but few skills. That will all change, says Khan’s team. His minister of education insists that the religious schools will have to teach a wide range of subjects to gain government accreditation. Eventually, a single national curriculum will be imposed. The army, which often appeared indulgent to religious extremism, supports education reform. Its own growing network of fee-paying schools is heavy on sciences and English.
Many of the madrasa graduates turn to jihadist militancy, but a senior commander says that the state will no longer favour jihadist groups. “We will not allow these goons to run around and dictate our foreign policy,” he insists. Khan is also equally emphatic. What use does Pakistani intelligence have for such groups anymore, he asks. They were created to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan, and then lingered in the 1990s when they were encouraged to make life difficult for India and its part of Kashmir. But from now on there will be no Kashmir exception, says Khan, hinting that it may become harder for Pakistan-based militants to infiltrate Indian territory. “What we found is that Kashmiris are the ones who suffer,” he says, alluding to harsh measures India has often taken to maintain security on its side of the border.
Pakistani politicians and soldiers have made such pledges before. India tends to dismiss them as insincere attempts to escape international condemnation after terrorist groups based in Pakistan mount attacks in India - as in February, when an outfit called Jaish-e-Muhammad killed 40 CRPF men in Kashmir. India responded by sending jets to drop bombs deep inside Pakistani territory. Their target was the madrasa, which Indian officials said was a training centre for terrorists.
Khan has won praise for trying to honour his election promise, which was to crack down on corruption. Since he came into office last August the National Accountability Bureau has mounted a fierce offensive against allegedly corrupt officials. No fewer than five former prime ministers are under investigation. Yet the offensive has been so vigorous that some fear it has put a chill on investment, at a time Pakistan desperately needs it. It is also clear that, fairly or not, the biggest targets of the campaign happen to be Khan’s political opponents. Similarly, the government has justified sudden, drastic cuts in spending on advertising as a needed economy. This move has irked media houses and cost as many as 3,000 jobs. The army, despite its professed commitment to democracy, quells criticism in even more radical ways, ordering irksome channels off the air and abducting nettlesome bloggers.
There will be more resentment when the government takes painful steps needed to mend the economy. The IMF, which looks set to impose tough conditions for a bailout. The rupee has lost more than 30% of its value since Khan took office, inflation has soared and both the current-account and budget deficits are unsustainable. The prime minister puts on a brave face, noting that things were worse a few months ago, when foreign-exchange reserves were only enough to pay for two weeks of imports. The improvement, alas, is solely owing to charity from China and the Gulf. The unkind may conclude that the kinder, gentler image Pakistan is trying to project is prompted by a sobering look at its finances.
Severe reprimand for Bengal Chief Minister
The Supreme Court of India issued a severe reprimand to Bengal Chief Minister, Mamata Banerjee, for pressing into service the State police to violate the rule of law and thereby infringe the rights of India’s citizenry to free speech and expression guaranteed by the Indian Constitution. The court found her government guilty of ‘clear abuse of public power’ for ordering the State Intelligence agency and the police to bully and browbeat cinemas and theatres screening of the Bengali satirical film, Bhobishyoter Bhoot [Ghosts of the Future].
A Bench of Justices D.Y. Chandrachaud and Hemant Gupta ordered the West Bengal government to pay an indemnity to the film-makers for its ‘unconstitutional attempt to invade the fundamental rights of the producers, the actors and the audience.’ The Supreme Court passed a restraint order against the State government from interfering with the lawful screening of the film.
The judgment was delivered in response to a petition by the film’s producers, supported by a galaxy of cultural figures.
‘The power of the State is what the people give it. Freedom is not subject to power, but power is answerable to freedom,’ said Justice Chandrachaud. Chief Minister Banerjee has led a government with a creditable record in the revival of the Bengal economy, following three decades and more of Left Front misrule that had left it impoverished. Its metropolis, Kolkata, which had hovered on the brink of an urban disaster is unrecognizable from what it once was. The rural hinterland has burst into a new life. That said, Mamata Banerjee has blotted her copybook with an outsized ego and her dictatorial ways. She has much to learn. She must either grow up, or else may have to climb down. Overweening conceit has been the undoing of leaders great and small.
