There have never been easy answers to the apparent puzzles and mysteries of the India-China relationship. The facile slogans of Hindi-China bhai bhai [Indians and Chinese are brothers] were an inebriating anti-colonial intoxicant for most Indians during the early post-Independence years. A national narrative, based largely on fiction and delusion, served populist needs and internal stability. Received wisdom would have us believe the warts of colonialism were exclusively Western, that the peoples of the East were bounded by a mythical past of shared cultural and political values. Nothing could be farther from the truth. The ancient civilisations of India and China developed in separate orbits, with only peripheral knowledge of each other’s ways and customs. Chinese Buddhist pilgrims, it is true, visited India in search of Buddhist lore and wisdom. But Buddhism was not the faith of the Chinese establishment; Confucianism was the dominant culture and belief system.
India’s traditional links were with next door Himalayan neighbour Tibet, whose relationship with China possessed a strong imperial strain, the inheritance is today grist to the mills of China’s foreign policy, especially its India policy. The Dalai Lama’s flight to India in April 1959 and his subsequent refuge in the country has rankled China’s rulers since the days of Chairman Mao Dzedong.
China’s self-perception as a traditional and contemporary Great Power is deeply embedded in the Chinese psyche as is its old tributary system and the obligatory kowtow to the Son of Heaven. Modern China’s attitude towards India is one of disdain for a pretentious upstart. So much for the historical optics of the India-China relations as they have stood for the seven decades, during which time the two countries engaged in a brief military conflict in the High Himalayas. A sedated India was worsted, and its scars still remain.
At the weekend Prime Minister Narendra Modi hosted President Xi Jinping for an informal summit in Mamallapuram, a temple town in Tamil Nadu, not far from Chennai. India and China are unlikely to be friends, the mistrust too deep on either side. Chinese-Pakistan axis targets India, and will do for years to come. That said, there are where Indian and Chinese interests converge: trade and investment in which the numbers are huge. There was ample room for discussion on ways and means through which economic ties can be better aligned for mutual profit. The balance of trade and payments are weighted heavily in China’s favour; this can be ameliorated by greater access to the Chinese market for Indian products, notably pharmaceuticals in which India enjoys a global reputation.
War is ruled out. There would be no winners, only losers. China has great military strength on land, air and sea. India’s deterrent capability is from negligible. In this day and age, war will have unforeseen political consequences as well. Stable relations with India can help China turn its attention to trouble-spots such as Hong Kong and Taiwan, where Beijing’s immediate intentions and long-term ambitions are viewed darkly. Pakistan, a failing state, hobbled by a stagnant economy, is of little use in the corridors of international diplomacy global power. India well understands the permanence of the Sino-Pakistan axis and its India-centric dynamics. It is an enclosed echo chamber, and will remain so until the mould is broken by factors as yet unknown. Summing up, the India-China relationship will require carefully calibrated management. Hard heads guarantee security and peace without illusions of a true meeting of hearts and minds. Hopefully the personal chemistry between the Indian and Chinese leaders will be a safeguard against misunderstanding and worse. China has emphasised the sanctity of its ‘core interests’. India, too, has its core interests. The challenge is navigating a mutually acceptable path of recognition.
Welcome for UK court’s decision on Nizam
The Indian government has welcomed the decision of the High Court of England and Wales on the long pending case since 1948 on the disposal of the assets worth Rs 300 crore of the last Nizam of Hyderabad, Mukarram Asif Jah. The Government of Pakistan was a claimant, and its claims were rejected by the court.
Some of the descendants of the Nizam live in Turkey, others in the UK. They joined forces with the Government of India in the disposal of the assets of the last potentate of Hyderabad whose rule ended in 1948 with the emergence of the new Union of India.
According to court’s judgement, ‘Nizam VII was beneficially entitled to the Fund and those claiming in right of Nizam VII – the Princes and India - are entitled to have the the sum paid to their order. I will leave it to the parties to frame an appropriate frame of order for my approval,’ ruled Justice Marcus Smith. ‘The question before the court is ...the shortly stated one of whether it is Pakistan or the late Nizam VII who was in 1948 was entitled to the fund.’
India’s Ministry of External Affairs welcomed the court’s judgment and criticised Pakistan’s claim that the Nizam had transferred the fund as a gift to Pakistan in payment for a shipment of arms.
The Indian statement reads: ‘The Court [in London] has issued a wide-ranging judgement after analysing documentation going back more than 70 years and embracing the law of constructive and resulting trusts, unjust enrichment... illegality and and limitation of actions,’ adding that the court had rejected arguments advanced by Pakistan that the dispute was non-justiciable, either by whole or in part; that the doctrine of illegality somehow barred recovery or that the claims of other parties were time-barred.’
In British currency the late Nizam’s fund is now worth 35 million pounds sterling was deposited in his account in London’s Westminster Bank. The saga, with its twists and turns, has mercifully been brought to a close.
India top source for migrants
India is the world’s top source for skilled migrants, which stands currently 17.5 million. Australia, New Zealand, Canada, the US, UK and Singapore are their principal destinations, with Germany foremost among Continental countries. The Middle East – largely Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states – are home to large numbers of Indians whose remittances have enriched those parts of India where their families once lived.
The English language is a primary factor in the process, but others less talked about also play a significant role. What has smoothened the passage from India is the adaptability of Indians as a whole to their new life and its cultural underpinnings. For a start, democracy and the rule of law are a common heritage. The countries to which most Indians move – greatly to their credit – guarantee a level playing for business, the professions and education. Successful Indian entrepreneurs are not required to place privileged individuals from the host community on a company board with considerable unearned incomes as insurance against the capricious ways of local rulers and politicians, as, alas, was the custom in the dark days in much of East Africa.
The International Migrant Stock 2019, released by the UN Population Division, said the number of international migrants in the world had reached an estimated 272 million in 2018 – 51 million more than in 2010. After India, Mexico, with 12 million migrants ranks second, China third with 11 million, Russia next with 10 million and Syria’s 8 million, the last named suffering from prolonged war and internal displacement and exodus mainly to Europe.
Returning to India, skills play are a dynamic thrust into developed industrialised countries whose markets are on the lookout for IT engineers, engineers in other fields, doctors, pharmaceutical experts and teachers in all levels of education.
Finally, there is the issue of multiculturalism to consider. India is a multi-faith nation with all the world’s religions existing within its shores. As such, Indians as a rule not suffer strain or undue anxiety in blending the governing norms, particularly in America, Europe, Australia, New Zealand and Singapore, where the host communities are relaxed on issues of scripture and worship.
In the areas mentioned above, Hindu and Sikh festivals are celebrated and attract a good deal of attention from members of the host community. Celebrations over the normal chores are resumed and life moves on. There is not enough recognition of the successes of multiculturalism, rather more on the failures emanating from jihadi terrorism – an unpleasant reality that brooks no denial.
